Too Many Killings, Too Little Accountability: Nigeria’s Security Tragedy

Since 2009, Nigeria has seen a steady descent into violence — from Boko Haram’s insurgency to the herdsmen crisis, banditry, kidnappings, and regional unrest. This long-form essay draws from personal experience, historical events, and current realities to examine what has gone wrong with Nigeria’s security architecture and why. It’s not just about bad policy; it’s about leadership, ideology, silence, and systemic failure.

The Genesis

Nigeria’s security situation took a nosedive beginning in 2009. It was the period Boko Haram began to rear its ugly head. I remember that year vividly — I was a youth corps member serving in one of the northern states. There was slight tension in our area on one of those days. Information would later trickle in that some people were propagating a variant form of Islam, contrary to what was the norm. We would later see some soldiers at night around our lodges.

To be honest, I was totally ignorant of what all of that meant or the possible future impact. Even the soldiers, I perceived as simply carrying out their normal duties.

Fast forward a few years later — the insurgent group had grown, both in structure and operations. By this time, I had gotten a radio job in one of the southern states. A job that positioned me to be privy to much of the information circulating about the country. Not only being privy to the information, but also tasked with disseminating such to our audience.

I remember during one of our shows, after we had read out different headlines, the Boko Haram attacks became the audience’s favourite topic. Even when we tried to shift attention to other issues, the comments and calls always brought the conversation back to Boko Haram.

Incidentally, what our audience did at the time is precisely what we have continuously done as a country when it comes to insecurity: talk and talk.

It’s the same reason we’re still talking about the herdsmen crisis in places like Benue and Plateau States, with no solution in sight.

With every carnage that has occurred in any of the communities, you'd bet that it would be the last straw. However, the reverse is always the case. After the initial outrage, everything goes back to normal.

A Familiar Tragedy

Recently, President Bola Tinubu was forced to visit the Yelwata community — the latest victim of herdsmen attacks in Benue State.

The gory pictures of women and children massacred in cold blood apparently triggered a wave of outrage across Nigeria and beyond, including from the newly elected Pope Leo XIV.

However, there’s little in the Yelwata killings that hasn’t played out repeatedly, whether in Benue, Plateau, the North East (epicentre of terrorism), or the North West (hub of banditry).

Before the Yelwata attack on June 14, 2025, where over 100 people were killed (some estimates say close to 200), Benue State had already seen a spate of attacks:

Going back memory lane, in early June 2025, suspected herders in Benue killed over 50 people in coordinated attacks on Gwer West (Tse-Antswam, Naka town) and Apa LGA (Edikwu-Ankpali community). Some victims reportedly jumped into wells while fleeing.
Prior to that, there were lesser-known but still ghastly simultaneous massacres in late May when herders attacked Tyolaha, Tse-Ubiam, Ahume, and Aondona — leaving 42 killed amid widespread condemnation. In fact, just previously, Aondona village suffered another incident killing up to 20, drawing renewed outrage.

In Plateau State in May 2025, several clashes in Riyom LGA claimed at least 10 lives, resulting from escalating tensions between Fulani herders and Berom farmers.

In April 2025, in Bassa LGA, Plateau, an early morning ambush left 38–50 people dead, mostly women and children.

March 2025: An earlier massacre in Bokkos LGA, Plateau State, claimed about 52 lives, prompting a visit by National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, who declared “enough is enough.”

Who can also forget the Christmas Eve attacks of December 24, 2023, when armed groups stormed 21 villages across Bokkos and Barkin-Ladi LGAs, killing nearly 200 people and razing homes in what was described by observers as one of the deadliest massacres in recent Nigerian history?

So, no attack is different, except for a peculiar detail that may draw wider attention, such as the graphic nature of the violence, the body count, or the timing. We have grown accustomed to these killings. Perhaps that’s why the President did not seem to visit until public outrage reached fever pitch.

A Look Back: When Nigeria Was Safer

The security situation in Nigeria is a pathetic one, especially considering there was a time when the country was relatively peaceful, save for occasional armed robbery, thuggery, cultism, communal clashes, and religious violence. That it has degenerated to this level is something we need to ponder and make sense of objectively.

When Boko Haram started but couldn't be contained, many blamed former President Goodluck Jonathan for the escalation. To them, instead of going after the perpetrators, Jonathan was busy blaming his political foes. A case in point was the Chibok Girls kidnap in 2014, which took the government 19 days to respond to appropriately.

I also remember the October 1, 2010 bombing, which the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) claimed responsibility for. However, Jonathan absolved them.

Even when he finally had the courage to go after Boko Haram terrorists, he was questioned for his intentions. Some northern leaders alleged genocide by the military. Former President Muhammadu Buhari was even quoted to have said, "An attack against Boko Haram is an attack against the North." At a point, Jonathan relieved the Chief of Army Staff, Major General Azubuike Ihejirika, reportedly due to pressure from some northern leaders. Till he left office, the insurgency festered.

That’s not to say he didn’t try. His government initiated a negotiation process with the Boko Haram terrorist group, but it turned out the government was negotiating with a fake faction. He also initiated the Almajiri school project. However, these efforts were undermined when Northern Governors withdrew support for some reasons. 

Buhari’s Turn: Promises and Pitfalls

Jonathan's successor, Muhammadu Buhari, came with the impression that he would deal decisively with the insurgents. One of his first moves was relocating the Boko Haram Command and Control Centre to Maiduguri, Borno — the epicentre of the insurgency. Apparently, that announcement may not have made much difference.

During his tenure, he established Operation Safe Corridor, a programme meant to deradicalize and rehabilitate members of the insurgent group. However, the programme has come under scrutiny, especially with the continued carnage by terrorists.

Under him, Nigeria finally secured 12 Tucano jets from the U.S., a sale previously blocked during Jonathan’s administration under the Leahy Law. The use of the jets has been questioned, with insurgents still rampaging despite the hype. The Buhari government also initiated a probe into over 2 billion dollars in arms deals under Jonathan. Sadly, the central figure in the case — former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki  is still in court answering questions.
Buhari’s government reportedly charged and prosecuted some terrorists and their enablers in mass trials. However, it failed to act on names of terrorist sponsors identified by the United Arab Emirates, a glaring omission that continues to raise eyebrows.

Herdsmen and the Tipping Point

When it came to the issue of herdsmen, Buhari’s government resisted most moves to curtail their attacks. Efforts by state governments like those of Ekiti and Benue or even regional outfits like Amotekun were viewed with suspicion.

At a time, Buhari's body language appeared to be against Benue Governor Ortom’s anti-open grazing bill. His Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, also argued against Amotekun.

Throughout his tenure, Buhari equated herdsmen attacks to communal clashes, ignoring whether the perpetrators were Nigerians or foreign elements. His administration introduced several initiatives — RUGA, cattle colonies, and the National Livestock Transformation Plan. He even at a point suggested restoring grazing routes.
Critics felt that while Buhari claimed these efforts were for peace, they actually emboldened violent herdsmen and enabled land grabbing under the guise of reform. Till he left office, the insecurity not only persisted, it spread. Many came to view his government as one that deepened divisions and empowered impunity by the killer herdsmen. 

Militancy and Secession: More Fires

Toward the end of his tenure, Buhari almost left behind a renewed Niger Delta militancy. The Niger Delta Avengers bombed oil facilities in protest of perceived threats to the amnesty programme.

Then there was IPOB. Nnamdi Kanu, arrested in 2015, faced trial over his rhetoric against the Nigerian state. His arrest, critics say, reignited violence in the South East. Many believe that ignoring Kanu as done under Jonathan might have been the better approach — arresting him under Buhari was seen as a misadventure that escalated tensions.

Tinubu: The New Captain, Same Storm

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, like his predecessors, promised to tackle insecurity. He emphasized military recruitment, special battalion for terrorists, and police reforms. Long before his presidential bid, he proposed donating unused public land for herders’ ranching.

Two years into his administration, the crises continue.
At first, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu touted the administration’s achievements, claiming thousands of terrorists had been killed. However, terrorists have returned to Borno with frequent bombings. The state government recently lamented that only Marte town in Marte LGA hasn’t fallen back into insurgent hands. Some blame this on the military’s shifting focus to the Northwest; others point fingers at politicians. Either way, no clear answer has emerged.

While Buhari was accused of handling some elements with kid gloves due to ethnic or religious ties, it’s unclear what’s holding the Tinubu administration back.

Though a Ministry of Livestock has been created to address the farmer-herder crisis, there’s little sign of an accelerated roadmap.
Tinubu has long been described as a champion of restructuring, including state police,  but his current body language suggests he may be underestimating the urgency. The constitutional review process for state policing crawls along in the National Assembly. Tinubu, known for personally intervening in matters dear to him,  like the national anthem change or legislative leadership seems oddly uninvolved here.
Why?

Presidential Absence and Selective Engagement

A lot has been said about Tinubu’s visit to Benue, the first such visit since he assumed office. He has been accused of showing less concern. An accusation I once again trace to our collective numbness to the killings. It’s not just about Tinubu; it’s a habit of governance in Nigeria — a slow, detached response that has become normalized over the years.

Meanwhile, during that Benue visit, Tinubu said he had expected the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to have made arrests following the latest killings. In other words, he implied the IGP had the leeway to do his job without presidential interference.
But that raises deeper questions:Why hasn’t the IGP  who appeared in that visit grinning like a schoolboy made any arrests?

Oh, lest I forget, human rights lawyer Femi Falana recently reminded us that arrests have in fact been made in Benue, but the real problem is prosecution. So, what’s stopping that? Why was the President asking that question publicly, as though he were unaware of these events?

There have been killings upon killings since Tinubu assumed office. Has he ever publicly queried the IGP or any other security chief about the unrelenting violence?

Hands-On Leadership: A Lost Art?

I once heard an analyst say that one of the strengths of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was his hands-on approach. He was known for personally picking up the phone to get things moving, no matter how small or large the issue.

So how much of that style is present in today’s leadership?

How much of the insecurity we face today could be curtailed if our past and present leaders had the courage to get directly involved? Under Buhari, remember, he once admitted he didn’t know that the IGP at the time, Ibrahim Idris, had disobeyed his directive to visit Benue State.
So I ask: "Like Buhari, like Tinubu?"

Who is made to account for these failures?Who is answerable to whom?

The President also said he hadn’t visited Benue earlier due to rain, floods, and bad roads. Was that the same reason for not visiting other places that have witnessed horrific attacks since he assumed office?

The Root of the Rot

At the end of the day, Nigeria’s insecurity can be traced to a mixed bag of deep-rooted issues:

• Ideological extremism left unchecked.
• Political tribalism and selective empathy by leaders.
• Lack of consequences for violence — killers rarely face prosecution.
• Corruption and compromise within the security architecture.
• Porous borders and a failure to identify or expel foreign attackers.
• Poverty, illiteracy, and youth vulnerability, especially in the North.
• State failure to build trust in government or law enforcement.
• Public fatigue and normalized trauma that dampens pressure for change.

Like the saying goes, “One has to know when the rain started beating them before they can know where to start drying off.” In other words, to find the solution to Nigeria’s security challenges, we must trace the roots honestly.

Unanswered Questions, Unspoken Realities

In the case of Boko Haram, much has been said. But how much of it is rooted in extremist ideology? How much in poverty or political opportunism?
What happened after certain Northern politicians, like a former governor of Zamfara  began pushing for Sharia law under Obasanjo’s government? How did that influence the ideological radicalization we see today?

What are governments doing to counter these extreme beliefs? Have they identified and confronted clerics who promote violence? Have they built alternatives to indoctrination?

During Buhari’s era, a commission was established to address the Almajiri system. What has that commission done since then?
What’s the status of the deradicalization programme under Operation Safe Corridor?How many former terrorists have been reformed?How many are now contributing intelligence or counter-extremism work in their communities?

What plans does the federal government have to purge the security forces of personnel sympathetic to extremist ideology? What intelligence exists on politicians or clerics who may share these views?

And when are we going to have honest national conversations about Sharia law:Who does it affect, and who doesn’t it?How should it be applied?How should it not be applied?

The Herdsmen Crisis: Still Unresolved

The herdsmen crisis has also been interpreted in many ways, from the rational to the absurd. Yet one thing remains constant: innocent Nigerians have become victims.

If these are truly clashes between farmers and herders, why has it been so hard for government to mediate peace between the two sides?

If the attackers are foreign- and that’s been widely alleged, then the incompetence of any Nigerian government that cannot repel such incursions is baffling.

Yes, the current and past governments have suggested ranching as a solution. But given the trust deficit between herders and host communities, what’s being done to build that trust?

What plans does the Ministry of Livestock have to register, track, and monitor those who will benefit from ranching programmes?

What’s being done to sensitize nomadic herders about modern cattle-rearing methods?

And what will happen to those who reject modern solutions and continue to terrorize farming communities?

Banditry, Kidnapping, and Southern Violence: The Wider Spread

Banditry and kidnapping in the Northwest, gunmen attacks in the Southeast, and rising violence in the Southwest are not isolated incidents. They are symptoms of a country that has failed to protect its people and hold criminals accountable.

These crimes must be properly diagnosed and dealt with sincerely.
The question remains:What is holding the government back?

Is it political calculations? Ethnic alliances?Sheer incompetence?Or a lack of empathy?
It’s difficult to believe that any leader truly concerned about human life  would continue watching citizens slaughtered in cold blood without acting decisively against the perpetrators.

Final Thoughts: Leadership in a Land That Bleeds

Are Nigerian leaders truly aware of what leadership entails?

Do they value human life beyond ethnic and electoral calculations?

Let me go back to what the analyst I referenced earlier hinted- until we start asking the uncomfortable questions, and until leaders begin to show urgency, empathy, and accountability, Nigeria will remain in the grips of a preventable tragedy.
Insecurity will not just be a problem.It will be our identity. 

And that'll just be a sad story about the fall of a country that was once the giant of Africa. 

Join the Conversation

Nigeria's security crisis won't be solved in silence. Let's amplify this conversation. 

👉 What do you think is the root cause of Nigeria’s persistent insecurity?

👉 Can leadership alone fix it, or is the system too broken?

👇 Drop your thoughts in the comments.

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